by Jean-Michel Chazine
CNRS-CREDO/MAP, Yogyakarta Conference 24-29 September 2005
Since 1992 a large amount of archaeological discoveries has been later gained. Being eventually and mostly involved into the survey of caves and rock shelters of East Kalimantan, a Franco-Indonesian team, has since regularly let merge some parts of the deep past of that archaeological blank area. Altogether more than 100 caves have been visited and checked, within which more than 30 contain totally unexpected and determinant Rock Art paintings.
During the last decade and more precisely, last 3 years, French and Indonesian archaeologists, assisted by cavers, have surveyed two main karstic areas, located, one North of Sangkulirang, the second Northwest of Sangatta.
These two large areas roughly spread over a 40 by 20 kms space each, appeared to be especially well enough geologically structured and rich concerning archaeological remains of all kinds. These large conic karsts, uplifted from tectonic pressure movements after the Myocene, some 60 millions years ago, have developed three geomorphological networks of cavities and galleries.
These superposed strata, located differently in the uplifted outcrops have proved to be dwelled and used differently along the time. At a broad level of description (see Chazine, 2005, for a more precise insight), the lower one has been usually used as common or daily dwelling places since oldest periods, i.e. before 10.000 years ago, at least, before the end of Pleistocene. It contains all the classical occupation remains: food remains (bones and shells), stone tools workshops with their waste piles, charcoals and fireplaces. Ceramics are often present from surface to the upper or latest levels (surface to minus 40 to 60cm), corresponding to post-Austronesian occupation phases. Within many of the adjacent cracks or crevices, funerary ceramics associated with human bones are neighbouring some late "Dayak" or similar cultural communities who have settled around in the vicinity and left their wooden mortuary coffin burials and displayed personal items.
An intermediate net of cavities, located between 50 to 150 m higher in the cliffs, has had various or composite uses. In a few cases, a punctual dwelling has happened, presenting the same occupation clues than the lower level. Nevertheless, the main use of these intermediate caves, cracks or dry rock shelters has been devoted towards succeeding funerary purposes.
There, a very large amount of earthen funerary urns presenting a large set of differenciated decorations had been regularly observed during 2001 to 2003 field sessions. During 2004' field session, while extending a new test pit in Keboboh caves complex, our colleagues Jatmiko and Udin have also unexpectedly unearthed two burials (Jatmiko et al., 2004). Once unveiled from surrounding deposits, they appeared to be in a flexed position, a feature which would correspond to a pre-Austronesian inhumation process.
The third level of cavities, practically located up to 300 m high, has not provided until now, any if almost no occupation remains but paintings. Some of these caves contain a totally specific Rock Art expression, which induces to interpret these places as having had a very specific function. We will see later in this paper, what kind of activities the particular isolation, remoteness and emptiness of these caves and rock shelters would have had in the pasts.
This natural stratigraphy which has been selectively exploited for cultural and precise goals, is one of the specificities observed in East Kalimantan's (inasmuch as Palawan's) karstic outcrops. The regularity of that distribution (29 positive cases upon a total of 32) makes it a noticeable landmark which local communities have themselves emphasied.
Amongst all dwelling and occupations remains largely found in the lowest, and -less frequently- in the median levels, comprising all kinds of lithic and bone remains (to be more precisely presented later in this paper), the earthen wares are bearing a large amount of directly readable data. As it is limited to the "Austronesian techno-culture" phase, starting around 3,500 years ago, it is too early to consider it as a general objective "leading fossil" or "chronological marker". Nevertheless, at least for East-Borneo prehistory, its main characteristics may be used for discriminating styles, periods, inasmuch as local firing processes.
Since our cooperative Franco-Indonesian program has started last 2003, implying excavations conducted in selected caves and rock shelters, findings of different kinds of earthen wares ceramics both on surface and within stratigraphied dwelling places layers, have enabled us to separate common and/or funerary items.
Broadly speaking, the display of motives and shapes of pots which have yet been sorted are very similar to those which had previously been excavated or collected in Sarawak, Sabah and even Palawan island and the North-Western part of South East island Asia. Some of them being directly similar to the basis reference "Sa Huynh-Kalanay style" analysed and proposed long ago by Pr. Solheim II (Solheim II 1964).
They show eventually not much difference with many of those which have been studied long time ago in Sarawak’, Brunei’ or Sabah’ sectors, by numerous and well known archaeologists (Harrisson, Solheim, Bellwood…,etc). In East Kalimantan, styles vary from the oldest periods (around 3,500 BP) to the most recent surviving influences (Iban or so-called communities), not older than 200 to 100 BP. Decorations vary from paddle and anvil technology using different cord, square carved, mat and granulated motives, to all the possible numerous incised decorations. Some cases
present also geometric excised designs or motives. Stamped features (including linear " grain rice-like" impressions) may also be combined within variable incised schemes. The incised motives comprise geometric, curvilinear and/or stenciled/stamped impressions. The use of specific tools, producing sinuous designs obtained from bivalves shells (cardium-like) which has been yet found only once in Sarawak (Solheim II & Tweedie, 1959), has been now also collected within two caves (Gua Tengkorak and Gua Keboboh) along the Marang river. Macro-observations show that the prints differ one from the other, indicating at least two different shells/tools and probably makers.
One amongst other cardium decorated sherds from G. Tangkorak and belonging obviously to the same pot, would be a part of a handle or prehension tag, in the shape of an animal figurine. They show a strong analogy with figurines which have been found in Lubang Angin (Datan, 1993).
Another zoomorphic figurine has just been found during our last fieldsession, a tiny and remote crack-roomy place named Gua Unak. It presents a composite feature: large horizontal ears-like protuberances and side wings or stumps. The remaining part shows that the figurine had a vertical axis of symmetry. The presence of a hole in the lower middle part, associated to the bent edge, would induce to interpret it as a probable lid handle. They should have been thus two or four located in opposite position.
A complementary screening of the small cavity using a 2-4mm mesh, has not provided any complementary part. Considering that the firing of the clay, being very poor and limited to the minimum rending the whole thus very breakable and damageable, it should have normally totally disappeared. Their extreme fragility would explain why these figurines seem to be very seldom yet in SEA (Cameron, 2005).
Within an increasing number of funerary jars checked along our previous and actual surveys, one very specific was discovered in a small adjacent crevice of Gua Kairim. Considering its huge size first, around 1 meter high and 50 cm for the lip diameter, added to the unusual large geometric curvilinear incised motives, it appears to be totally different from all others. Not only in Kaltim’s set, but even in the whole Borneo Island. It displays numerous variations of alternative indented surfaces yet totally unusual in the surveyed area. Its resemblance with Lapita style ceramic was surprising enough to induce to check it with specialised colleagues. Preliminary and first glance identification confirmed a characteristic late Lapita style expression (comm. pers. Noury, in 2004’ report).
Stressing later that possible clue, a double first "lapita-like" sherd, decorated with stamped dentate motives, came to be found in Gua Batu-Aji. Unfortunately located in sub-surface of midden deposits, it could not be dated nor included in any determining process. During the 2005' Liang Jon excavations, another sherd has been found, well embeded in a regular stratigraphy. Laying at minus 40cm within a stabilized occupation layer, that dentate decorated small sherd shows the characteristic stigma of the dentate tool. In that precise case, it is totally similar to some Fijian and New Caledonian samples (Lapita Conf., 2005). It would correspond to the same period as other early earthenware witnesses, and would be thus also synchronic. According to Noury, it would correspond also to the late Lapita
period/influence, around 2800 BP (comm. pers. May 2005). For R. Green (comm. pers. Aug. 2005), it would correspond to a retroverse effect, similar to the Bukit Tangkorak data found in Sabah, by Bellwood (1989), which happened 3200-3100 years ago.
2005 excavations in Liang Jon, based upon previous researches from 2003 and their promising results, have been centred mainly upon two enlarged test pits 1,5m x 1,5m, located on one row, between the two previous surveyed areas. One (A) has been dug until a depth of 3 m, without reaching yet the terminal rock basement, while the second (B) having encountered a burial, has been stopped after a 60 cm depth.
Both of them have provided a very large set of archaeological remains including stone tools and general middens comprising various faunal bone remains and shells of different sources. More interesting, they are also apparent in distinctly separated levels, some almost complete kits related to the preparation and use of red ochre. That late group of artefacts may be related not only to specific or funerary rituals, but possibly to the ornate caves located in the direct vicinity (200 to 500m). Sophisticated physical methods of comparison should thus be employed to compare the different coloured stuffs.
Once excavated, mainly under GH. Ferrie’s supervision, the skeleton, which appeared around 60cm depth, is lying in a straight elongated position, most of its bones being in apparent connexion. The left hand is applied upon the belly. The right one, although apparent on the right side of the ribs, seems, from the position of the elbow and the missing fore-arm, to have been somehow twisted backwards. But the most strange fact, is that there is no head but a stone in place. The upper part of that stone came to sight only after a circular line of stones containing charcoals and confirming the presence of a fire structure at the previous level, had been removed. The clearing of the skeleton, which was in process, let suppose that the head would have been bent backwards and covered by that late stone. Once removed, it became clear that the corpse had been beheaded. During the extension of the scraping of the layer, some parts of skull appeared, some 60 cm away, just at the foot of the cliff wall. The clearing of that conglomerate of skull pieces has shown that they were corresponding to at least two individuals, (and possibly three). Preliminary observation of the cervical vertebra and the occipital hole(s), has not shown any blow or cutting action tracks. It would thus indicate that the splitting of the head from the body has been done after death, once the decomposition of the corpse was already enough advanced.
The similarity of formal situation is particularly striking with the recent discoveries made in Vanuatu, by Spriggs and his team (Spriggs & al. 2005). There, they unearthed some 20 burials typically belonging to the Lapita period. Some of the skeletons had been beheaded –without provoking stroke wears- and moreover, their head having also been replaced by a stone. More interestingly, some bones have been deliberately taken away, and particularly some fore-arms… From the bio-anthropologists having studied the bones assemblages, they estimate that after one year, it becomes possible, without breaking the bones remaining connexion (pers. comm. Valentin, Lapita Conf. 2005). It implies nevertheless that the body having been buried after death, the head alone had to be unearthed, using then forcibly a location marker. The position of the feet assemblage, inasmuch as the arms and hands would indicate that the body had been toughly and completely wrapped in a mat or
at least with ties (ropes, bark or tapa stripes). Hardness and consistence of the ground has been observed during the excavation process, it appeared that the body had been buried in digging a hole not much larger than the corpse in the ground and later refilled, due to the difference of flat regularity in the deposits. The coincidence of the level from which the burial has been dug and the level of the occurrence of the "lapita-like" postsherd has to be noted. Although it would not constitute yet
a real acceptable proof, it is nevertheless a clue, which has to be kept in mind.
While awaiting C14 datation results for the Liang Jon excavations, that particuliarly significant occurence, should be added to the similarity with the large Lapita inspired funerary urn from Liang Kairim. That convergence would at first and primary approach, confirms, if definitively established, that circulation of cultural items related with the Lapita periods or influence phases, has been even larger than estimated previously. Limited until now to the NE part of Borneo, mainly thanks to Sabah's investigations (see Bellwood 1989), that influence would have extended also Southwards to East Kalimantan. The exchange and circulation process including cultural items, would they be physical : like obsidian from Talasea in New Britain (see Specht 1985), transported and found in NE Sabah, or symbolic like designs or myths, would probably include also some specific decorated ceramics. Wether only
lapita-like pots or their technology, has circulated, missing until now enough identified data, remains a yet unsolved question.
As a matter of fact, birth origins of "Lapita cultural complex" inspiration is still a question debated between scholars (see the numerous Lapita and IPPA Symposia held since the past decades). It broadly varies from Eastern to Western sides of New Guinea, and our late discovery is more precisely trending towards the Western origin or clustering area. Other sites from insular SEA have also provided somehow lapita-like ceramics, although not using the very specific dentate stamped technique.
Some of the most well known originate from Kalumpang area (Sulawesi) and Talaud islands, or even in and around Taiwan, have already been described by Bellwood (1997). The appearance of such ceramics in East Kalimantan, corresponding simply to the extension westwards of its possible influence, is just enlarging the probabilities area and does not present any contradiction with already established hypothesis.
The other important findings from 2005’ excavations (Gua Tebok and Liang Jon) are the numerous artefacts related to ochre uses, excavated between the upper levels and the lowest ones (2,5m deep). They comprise the complete set, from the large raw core (15cm in diameter), to the red wearings pestle, including core flakes, used pencils with wearing marks and flat to hollowed red surfaced anvils. Most of these late anvils are from calcitic-sandstone, whose provenance may be located precisely. They would come from the eastern side of the Gunung Marang itself, where sandstone
dots emerge from pure calcite deposits. It appears quite visibly intermixed in the cave named Gua "tanah lihat" (cave "where earth is visible"), at the bottom of the main cliff (see 2003' report). This complete assemblage of ochre implements, shows how its importance was noticeable. Although Gua Tebok and Liang Jon 2005’ excavations have both provided a remarkable set of ochre, Gua Tebok is presenting the advantage to contain some hand stencils (one of them right in the midle of the huge ceiling, 8m high). They may thus be with high probability directly related to them. That important use has had a lasting activity during a long lap of time because it appears in the different succeeding occupation layers. These late are still awaiting
datations sampling.
Although almost all kind of stone tools and their industry, including raw materials inasmuch as refuses, from upper until lower levels (minus 3m), no real significative change could yet be observed in lithic technology. Surface inasmuch as first 50 to 60 cm layers, which contain ceramics corresponding thus to the "Austronesian" techno-cultural phase, do not present other signature than medium to small flakes industry. Only one broken part of the cutting edge of a polished adze has yet been found during the 3 campaigns, indicating that the introduction and adoption of that new techno-cultural practice, carried by Austronesians, did not spread regularly inside all areas of Borneo. At a broad level of consideration, there is no main noticeable change in the stone tools assemblage. They are mostly flakes, whose statistical distributions appear to vary slightly. As already stressed by Julien Espagne (see 2003’ and 2004’ reports), the frequency of Kutai flakes remains
proportionally high, and lasts from buried ancient levels (yet radiocarbon undated) to sub-surface locations. Nevertheless, the main impression is confirmed that the “Pleistocene knapping technology” has lasted until very recent periods although ceramic technology was spread all over Kalimantan. It shows some seemingly contradiction concerning the acceptation or borrowing of foreign technics, by prehistoric hunter-gatherers. They have clearly conserved or adopted only what was corresponding to their needs and culturally agreeable.
A more precise description of lithic technology by J. Espagne, will appear besides, based upon his study yet in progress. The study of animal bones by HG. Ferrie being still at its beginning and in progress, only a first general draft of his preliminary interpretations is provided hereafter.
Primary and general observations concerning bone study
conducted by Jean-George Ferrié
Within the general frame of archaeological researches conducted in East Kalimantan, we have undertaken the study of faunic bones remains which have been discovered within some sites of the Marang river area.
That study has two main goals. First, it will allow to collect data concerning the different animal species, which were present in the surveyed area during different chronological phases, and to follow their evolution. Being accepted that the absence of one species in the archaeological frame would not mean its general lack in the natural environment: human communities being able to manage many choices within their accessible possibilities.
Second, as a main task, we should be able to bring out original data upon daily life of communities who have settled in this area. Thanks to a detailed taphonomic and
archaeological analyse of bone remains, it should be possible to reconstruct exploitation strategies of the natural environment managed by these populations. Once established for each site, synchronic and diachronic comparisons, for inter- and intra-locations will be performed, with the intention to search possible differences and evolutions in the managing of local animal resources.
A set of test-pits has been dug during the 2005' field session, on Gua Tebok, Liang Unak and Liang Jon sites. They have provided an important quantity of bone remains. The total weight overpasses practically 30 kg. Only Liang Jon and Gua Tebok have yet been submitted to a preliminary sorting and study. Most of the bones are highly fragmented, and depending of test-pits and layers, a large proportion of them is burnt. Within identified taxons, suidae, followed by turtles (mostly shell parts), then cervidae, constitute the main core. Some bones of primates and carnivores have also been identified in a lesser proportion in the different assemblages.
In the Test-pit B in Liang Jon, levels 24, 25 and 26 would differ from others, because of the majority proportion of cervidae. The proportion of suidae and turtles within these layers would be thus lower than cervidae, indicating an important change in the diet or food practices. These primary observations should be confirmed later with more precise observations.
The first sorting of bones has already let appear an important proportion of burnt bones. In Liang Jon, 36% of the total determined remains and 68% of undetermined fragments are burnt. These proportions are respectively 36% and 7 3% in Gua Tebok. If animals constitute an important diet resource, they are also providing an important raw material subside (long hard bones and deer antlers, inasmuch as skin and tendons). In Gua Tebok and Liang Jon, uses for non-dietary purposes have been identified thanks to the discovery of different bone points or needles.
A more detailed analyse is clearly necessary in the intention of establishing the taphonomic history of each assemblage and then in precising the acquisition and exploitation process for each species. These data will be tied and cris-crossed with those of other disciplines, the only procedure permitting to precisely describe the past way of life of the communities who have previously settled in this area. Equally important by their number inasmuch as by their contents are the ornate caves which have been discovered since 11 years in that area. Being established by now that the oldest representations are older than the end of Pleistocene (10.000 years BP), they constitute a determining core of the South East Asian prehistory.
Mainly characterized by a high number of negative hand prints, it shows also different manners of using not only combinations but also overpainted hand stencils. That late characteristic let it differs from all surrounding cultural expressions, and even of all worldwide examples. Its origins are not yet clearly established but analyses have proved to be dated from more than late Pleistocene (10.000 BP). Being unique in that part of the world, and presenting more links with its far neighbours from Australia, than with the closest islands (Sulawesi, Moluccas and Western New Guinea, mainly described by Kosasih, Setiawan, O’Connor, Delanghe & Arifin) this would induce to consider differently the settlement and cultural diffusion of Rock
Art in that large area. One new hypothesis would be that before the end of Pleistocene (10.000 years ago) and during its move towards Australia, a group would have settled –or escaped- in that remote area of East Kalimantan and locally kept that painting tradition and its former usages. The fact is that there is no apparent aesthetic, neither figurative link, between the rock art painted in these caves and any ethnographic "Dayak" style figurations.
Although the presumption of a specific "austronesian" origin has been proposed and would for many cases fit there with the local "prehistory of history", mainly in East Nusantara, by some scholars (Balard, 1992), that explanation does not match observations for East Kalimantan. The presence of a few general figures in some caves, presents some analogies, with some common symbolic "ideograms", in frequent use in South East Asia. For instance, the arborescent feature found in Gua Tewet linking a minimum of 7 differenciated negative hand prints, may evoke possibly the "tree of life" scheme. Another hypothesis is prefering the "visual language" approach and its logical interpretations, is supported by P. Setiawan, our everlasting global partner since 1995.
Apart that possible reference with some "Dayak" cultural expression, it would possibly also be perceptible in what seems to represent the large bees hive and the "honey tree" painted in Kerim cave. It is known from ethnography (Van Geddes, 1959, Hopes, 1997) that much respect was paid to any honey tree and a specific dance used to be performed by communities, after or against bad or difficult events or periods. Would these representations ("tree of life/honey tree") and customs (honey tree dance) pre-exist before the arrival of Austronesians, followed themselves later by generic Dayak cultures, is still a possible hypothesis. This late one, is forming the bulk of possible eventually consequences of the contacts between Pleistocene populations, long time settled in South East Asia. Samples from Niah or Tabon, show that peoples -Homo sapiens sapienswere already living there since 40 to 50.000 years, compared to newcomers like Austronesians, some 5.000 years ago only. What kind of exchanges or inter-influences have thus and then happened, and in which directions, is still a puzzling question, breeding discussions between specialists.
The investigations conducted in Gunung Marang cluster have began to nourish the gap of knowledge still remaining in that large area. Completing –or confronting- other data gathered not only in Eastern Kalimantan, but also the complete Eastern side of Island Borneo, archaeological results converging from all disciplines would provide a determining clue for interpreting the role that this precisely “in the between” location, would have played in the past.
Concerns towards its proper study but also its efficient protection should therefore be strongly linked for future generations. Note on the economico-cultural environment of the Gunung Marang Reserve situation (JM. Chazine/Kalimanthrope) The state of protection of that huge and determinant patrimony is eventually almost null. The burial sites and the painted caves, had remained until recent decades under a traditional and implicit protection. Local communities, mainly Dayak and their more slightly episodic Punan contacts were the only ones to settle within that area. Some caves had thus been devoted to keep funerary remains, jars for older times, and wooden coffins for more recent, like in Gua Lungun or Gua Tengkorak. The dramatic 1997’ hazes, have left nothing but charcoals from these wooden items. The whole area had anyway already been abandoned some decades ago, under common pressure of the Government and the logging companies attractive salaries. Only bird nest collectors, ancient residents or newcomers from the Transmigrasi process, were rovering from caves to caves. Pressure was not that much important, based upon a low and temporary mean human presence. Conditions and incomes produced by some caves has strongly increased and time length during which a new population remains on the spots has totally changed also. Being reduced from 45 days of minimal maturation, it has dropped down to 42 if not 40, decreasing dramatically the natural stock for reproduction. Bands of 6 to 10 men stay all the time near the caves to collect and protect the “goldmine” and consequently predate everything still living around. Large areas are now under a huge and almost wild threaten from free scavengers and logging gangs. Protection and information actions have now to be organised and coordinated, in accordance with the local authorities demands and intentions. Discoveries and findings already gained in that specific area are important enough to help settle local showroom and exhibitions actions for enhancing cultural awareness.
At another level, the groups exploiting the natural resources of these remote and desertified areas do not belong to the new created local culture, i.e. the " Kutai". A neologism which has the advantage to integrate as many people as needed, as long as they have been resident since enough time or generations. It permits also to include in a new generic, common and neutral term, Dayaks or assimilated communities and overpass the cultural complex of inferiority which has been and still is prevalent. A rather little number of "real new Kutai" are permanently involved in logging or forestry industries, inasmuch as bird nest collecting. They use to come there to get a harsh but speed, amount of money and behave just like simple or other predators. They do not feel any cultural, historical neither emotional link with those who have left the archaeological remains that archaeologists excavate and exhume from the ground and the caves. They have in no case their ancestors buried there and will never have. Thus cultural links between previous inhabitants and local authorities do not yet exist at all. Understanding and protection measures are totally foreign constraints for these new scavengers, inasmuch as there is no support for the Administration on the spot. That gap is not the smallest problem which has to be managed and solved to attempt to protect and maybe enhance the cultural consciousness of a morally and geographically distancied population.
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Archaeological Discoveries and Recent Rock Art in East Kalimantan, Indonesia
Fossil Finds of Flores Man, Indonesia
By K. Kris Hirst
The scientific world was rocked by reports of the discovery of the preserved skeleton of a previously unknown hominin species in 2004. Tentatively named Homo floresiensis, or Flores Man, the hominin became known to the world press as the Little Lady of Flores or the Hobbit. Most of a female individual of Flores Man was discovered by a joint international research team led by R.P Soejono from the Indonesia Centre for Archaeology and Michael Morwood from the University of New England Armidale. The research team discovered Flores Man six meters deep within the deposits of the Liang Bua site, a limestone cave on the island of Flores in Indonesia. The hominin was very small in stature, no more than a meter in height and as small as those of the shortest human beings ever known, but the brain capacity of the creature was much smaller than in modern humans. Further, the form of the skull and lower skeleton suggested to Soejono, Morwood and colleagues that the Little Lady was a form of Homo erectus, and not Homo sapiens. Flores Man caused quite a stir, not the least because she appeared to have survived as recently as 18,000 years ago, far later than any other Homo erectus known on the planet.
H. floresiensis skull, Liang Bua Cave, Indonesia. (by Peter Brown)
The resultant furor over the original Flores Man findings brought a competing theory, not yet published, that the skeleton is of a microcephalic (diseased) modern human pygmy. Further problems developed when the skeletal material was damaged during analysis by another researcher.
Morwood and colleagues continued excavations in Liang Bua cave through 2004, and discovered partial remains of eight additional individuals, one a subadult. These new finds were reported in the journal Nature on October 13, 2005. The recovery of so many examples has allowed for a more complete consideration of the form of H. floresiensis as a group, rather than the single individual. All of the specimens (with the exception of the child) appear to have been about 1 meter in height. In general, the skull shape and body form are most similar to Homo erectus, but H. floresiensis has longer arms and a smaller brain capacity than H. erectus normally has, in fact closer to Australopithecus or gorilla than H. erectus. Recent investigations of the Dmanisi H. erectus fossils in Georgia and those at Olduvai in Kenya suggest that there was more diversity in H. erectus than has been previously identified, a fact surely epitomized here.
Comparison of mandibles from Laetoli Australopithecus afarensis LH4 and Homo floresiensis LB6. (by Nature)
Further information was also found about the behavior of the little hominin: butchered pygmy Stegodon (a primitive type of elephant) and Komodo dragon have been found at Liang Bua, as have clusters of fire-cracked rock and charred bone in levels containing H. floresiensis skeletal materials, suggesting the hominin knew how to control fire. Stone tools recovered from the site evidence a sophisticated grasp of lithic knapping.
Homo floresiensis (Liang Bua Cave, Indonesia) and a modern human skull. (by Peter Brown)
The late date of the appearance of H. floresiensis is also confirmed. Using thermo-luminescence dating of the strata in which the skeletons lie, the oldest appear to have been dated to about 94,000 years ago, and the most recent 12,000 years ago. None of these materials are fossilized, and DNA testing and radiocarbon dating of the hominid skeletons themselves does not seem to be possible, given the condition of the material. Morwood hopes that additional skeletal materials may allow these forms of testing.
Whatever species the little hominin is, Homo erectus or something quite different, they are certainly not human. The appearance of a different hominin species dated to 12,000 years ago is quite remarkable, given that the last known Homo erectus found to have been living on planet earth died out about 120,000 years ago; and the most recent Neanderthal form of Homo sapiens was gone by 28,000 years ago.
Sources and Furthern information
Read the latest information about the Flores individual: Is Flores a Deformed Homo sapiens?
Lieberman, Daniel E. 2005 Further fossil finds from Flores. Nature 437(October 13, 2005):957-958.
Morwood, M. J., et al. 2004 Archaeology and age of a new hominin from Flores in eastern Indonesia. Nature 431:1087-1091.
Morwood, Michael J., et al. 2005 Further evidence for small-bodied hominins from the Late Pleistocene of Flores, Indonesia. Nature 437(13 October 2005):1012-1017.
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The Italian Archaeological Expedition in the Sudan 2007 (by Torino University)
Since 1970 the Italian archaeological activities in the Sudan have been sponsored by Rome University "La Sapienza", since this institution was at the time the only university in Italy to have a chair of Egyptology and to be interested in fieldwork in the Sudan. A few years ago, however, the Faculty which hosted the chair of Egyptology, along with other remarkable subjects engaged in Africa and the Near East, diversified its objectives. Eventually the chair of Egyptology was suspended, after the Director of its expedition in the Sudan, Prof. Alessandro Roccati, was appointed to a newly created chair of Egyptology at the University of Torino, thus allowing him to resume and maintain the fieldwork in the Sudan on behalf of the Centro ricerche archeologiche e scavi di Torino (CRAST) and to continue the research in the archaeological area of Jebel Barkal and to ensure the continuation of the team's activities. Otherwise a long period of experience and training would have been lost. This ensures that the present mission is the legitimate offspring of the preceding one and rooted in the same place – as it was already announced at the recent Warsaw Conference. On the one hand it was at Rome that the Tenth International Conference of the Society of Nubian Studies was held in 2002, and on the other hand it was at Torino that the International Exhibition of Nubian archaeology was displayed in 1999: both of them for the first time in Italy, and both of them under the responsibility of Prof. Alessandro Roccati. Furthermore we need not underline the importance borne for the study of ancient Egypt by the research on the Nile civilisations farther South.
Funds for the mission were granted by the Italian Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Centro Scavi of Torino. The team was composed of some already familiar participants: Prof. Alessandro Roccati (Torino University, head of the mission), Dr. Roberto Gozzoli (Torino University, historian), Dr. Grazyna Bakowska (Rzeszow University, Poland, archaeologist): and three newcomers to the Sudan, all of them trainees from the School of specialisation in Oriental Archaeology of Rome University "La Sapienza": Dr. Claudia Micari, Dr. Massimiliano Nuzzolo and Dr. Roberta Petrilli. They ensured the necessary backing for survey and documentation. The official appointed by the NCAM was Mr. Murtada Bushara Mohammed.
It must be stressed that the objective of our university mission is not only the acquisition of new results but also the training of young people. Teaching is as much as part of fieldwork as the exploration of an ancient site.
Actually the present campaign is the sequel of the fieldwork carried out between 26th November and 23rd December 2006 on account of our Mission, by a team of geologists led by Prof. Giorgio Martinotti of Torino University, who executed a surveying in the archaeological area of the Mission's excavations at Jebel Barkal. They were assisted by Dr. Grazyna Bakowska (Rzeszow University, Poland) and Dr. Maria Novella Sordi (trainee in the School of specialisation in Oriental Archaeology of Rome University "La Sapienza"), who also tried out the study of ceramics.
Our stay lasted from 12th February till 2nd March 2007, and our activity concentrated in the building labelled B2400 lying near the (ancient) road, while further exploration of the palace B1500 was reserved as a spare activity. In fact, although the main road has meanwhile been moved across the desert and it is no longer a threat to the archaeological area, we wanted to achieve the knowledge of a rather interesting structure we came across during a protective operation of the monuments. Owing to a thin layer of rubble covering the floor, and the reduced surface of B2400, we aimed at getting a general layout of its structures within the limited time span at our disposal.
This building arose on a square platform, but it had become completely invisible on the ground, so to be traversed twice in recent years by the enclosure wall around the antiquities area built by the NCAM (which one day should be removed). Its special interest was awakened by some remains of a Greek architecture standing on it (more pieces were found this year), which may provide a terminus post quem for its dating. However, it was already overlaid in the antiquity by a well paved road in North-South direction, which points to a rather early destruction. Its lack of particular decorations (the walls were not plastered nor painted), its coarse entrance (the only one hitherto clearly detected is from the West) plead for an earlier date with reference to B1500 (the so called "Natakamani's palace"). However some typical potsherds and vessels show that the area was in use during the Meroitic period. A small fragment of pottery carved with some Meroitic signs found this year provides even inscriptional evidence.
One main achievement of this year's digging has been the discovery of a rather well preserved access from the North, in line with what was interpreted as a central court followed by a peristyle court. The much decayed condition of what was expected to be an eastern entrance has now been related to the creation of the paved road, which would have rendered such a passage devoid of use. This observation raises the question of a possible contemporariness of this paved road with the building of a Greek architecture – behind which, to the South, no passageway existed according to a careful search made in a previous campaign.
If these conclusions could be maintained, in view of the basic destruction of everything over the platform, we should consider the possibility that the platform was conceived for an earlier building. That building was later completely dismantled, so as to leave barely the platform in order to host some peculiar architecture, such as a Greek edifice. Nevertheless this older building can only belong to the (early) Meroitic period, due to its construction features, with outer walls lined with red bricks. A new mapping of the area by means of a satellite photograph points out also a parallel location with B100, another building likewise from the (early?) Meroitic period, which was excavated by Reisner in 1916. We owe the copies of Reisner's journal to the kindness of Prof. Timothy Kendall, who has already cooperated with our Mission on more than one occasion.
The new access, which was cleared to the North of B2400 is smaller than the one found on the western side, and it shows a (smaller) terrace abutting the middle of that side, ending in a short ramp perpendicular to the palace's wall, at the end of which a stone threshold lay. These features imply that this entrance was also roofed.
Although some of these features – three entrances of different size in the middle of every side of the platform - are shared by the more recent B1500 (Natakamani's palace), currently dated to the middle of the first century A.D., the latter stands out for its central and imposing position in the front of the sacred mountain. This building was much more elaborated and had equal access staircases instead of ramps. The staircase on its western side, however, was not visible from the plain and was not perpendicular to the palace's wall: it descended next to the wall in direction of B500 (Amun temple).
In B2400 the apparent parallelism between its access from the North and the close by paved road is to be stressed. At any rate, the main access - already of the former building - seems to have been the one to the West, namely the one looking towards the Palace of Natakamani. We expect to reach some better understanding of the entire layout through the tracing of (foundation) walls, which were duly recorded. Some soundings showed that the original floor next to the palace's outer wall looked like a pebbly ground.
The excavations were accompanied by the careful choice and documentation of ceramics uncovered in the different sites where the Italian Mission has been operating at Jebel Barkal. The material has been collected for several years, and at present we are organising a team for its encoding by means of informatisation. Sound results will require a longer time of study and comparison. However a provisional evaluation of forms and painted patterns refers to a period from the second century B.C. to the first century A.D. and possibly later, at least with reference to corresponding evidence from Meroe. Two reversed jars, still with their original contents of bones and some burnt material, were buried in the ground beside the eastern red brick wall closing the middle court and a mud brick wall bordering the paved road. Their location was next to each extremity, i.e. respectively South and North, of the wall.
When we arrived, we found that some heavy storms of last year had broadly damaged many restorations carried out in the excavated buildings, and these needed a number of repairs. These were operated as a by-work of the Mission also thanks to the kind collaboration of the appointed Official, Mr. Murtada. Some workmen of ours gave also a hand to cut the bushes invading the archaeological area in front of the Museum.
Finally we must assess that the friendly mood affecting the relations with the Sudanese Authorities as well as with the local people, either workmen or neighbours, has much contributed to ensure a good result of a difficult enterprise in a rather short time. May they all receive the heartily felt thanks of our entire team.
LA MISSIONE ARCHEOLOGICA IN SUDAN
Appendix: report on pottery examined
The pottery examined was found during the 2004-2007 seasons, during which two structures were being uncovered – named as B2400 and B2200.
B2200
Within the B2200 building there were mostly wheel-made ceramic pieces, some fragments of handmade ceramics were also found. About 6-7% of all finds were decorated sherds, mostly painted; less frequently they were some incised and stamped. The majority of the sherds were dated between 2nd century BC and 1st century AD.
Forms:
Fragments of cups, bowls, plates, saucers, stoppers, lids, beer jars, globular jars, pots, vases, bottles, amphorae, oil lamp, bread moulds and burners.
Motifs:
Offering-table, Hathor's emblem, rosette, ankh-sing, lotus-flower, upright leaves, connected circles, palm-branch, vine wreath, trefoil, twisted cord guilloche, stars, triangular geometric motifs, striped style.
B2400
Pottery sherds found enclosed in the building walls and floors, and other fragments spread throughout the surroundings of the building itself could be dated to the Meroitic Period (some ceramics can be dated between 2nd and 1st century BC, while other pottery in this case out of context could be dated between 1st and 3rd century AD). Moreover, some forms seem to go back to the Napatan Period.
There were wheel made and handmade ceramics pieces. In comparison with the B2200 structure there were very few painted ceramics, while incised and impressed pottery was predominant.
Forms:
Fragments of cups, bowls, dishes/plate, saucers, stoppers, lids, storage jars, globular jars, pots, basins, vases, amphorae, bread mould, klepsydrai.
Motifs:
Human figure, Lion (Apedemak), bird, ankh-sign, vine wreath, rosette, criss-cross.
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Underwater Archaeology: Excavations in Viet Nam
By Dr. Nguyen Dinh Chien (Chief Curator of National Museum of Vietnamese History-Ha Noi)
During the last decade of the 20th century, there were several ancient wrecks that were found in Viet Nam. Among those, the following five wrecks surveys and recoveries are especially remarkable.
I. Five ancient shipwrecks excavated in the sea of Vietnam.
1. Vung Tau ancient wrecks (1690)
In June 1990, the wreck Vung Tau, which was approximate to 15 km far from the Hon Cau Island at 40 m depth water beneath the sand of 0.6m to 1.0 m was recovered. Viet Nam Salvage Corporation (Visal) was licensed to collaborate with the Swedish Company Hallstrom Holdings Oceanic using the America driving equipment and divers from America, British, Canada, Viet Nam to recover the wreck. Until July 1991, the recovery was finished. The wrecks of 32.71m long and approximately 9m wide was measured and drawn by the divers. Thousand of artifacts were recovered from the wreck. Most of them were Chinese porcelains dated back to 1690 (1). The key archaeologist who participated during the projects was an Australian, Mr. Michael Flecker.
2. Hon Dam ancient wreck (15th century)
In May 1991, the wreck in Hon Dam – Phu Quoc Island (Kien Giang province) was recovered. This was ancient wreck which Jeremy and Rosemary Harper mention in seminar on porcelain held in Hong Kong in 1978 (2).
Visal recovered the wreck base on its experiences accumulated from the Vung Tau wreck project. The wreck lied at the over 40m depth. Some parts of the wreck were burried under approximate 2m sand. It was measured at about 30m long and 7m wide. The artifacts above the surface of the wreck were curdled in big blocks by oyster. There were about 16.000 pieces of celadon and brown porcelains recovered in the wreck. The most special ones were the port shaped bowls with segmented open rim of 38cm diameter and weighted 03kg. The specialists assumed that those porcelains were made by the Sawankhalok’s Kiln (Thailand) in the 15th century (3). The recovery was participated by the Vietnamese divers and two key archaeologists Michael Flecker (Australian) and Warren Blake (New Zealand).
3. Cu Lao Cham ancient wreck (15th century)
From May 1997 to July 1999, the wreck in the sea of Cu Lao Cham Island (Hoi An – Quang Nam province) was surveyed and archaeologically excavated. The wreck at the 70-72 m deep. The National Museum of Vietnamese History, Visal and Saga Horison (Malaysia) were performed the excavation. The Chairman of the Excavation Committee is Dr. Pham Quoc Quan, Director of the National Museum of Vietnamese History. There were also many archaeologists from Oxford University (England), Kebangsan University (Malaysia), Czechoslovakia and many divers and crew from Viet Nam, Malaysia, England, Indonesia, Singapore, Australia, New Zealand... The excavation showed tracks of a wreck of 29.4 m and 7.2m wide with 19 berth and spaces. Wood of wreck hull was fairly good. Some tenons on some bulkhead beams were still quite firm. Over two hundred thousand artifacts were recovered in the wreck . Most of them were made in Chu Dau – Hai Duong province – Vietnam in the 15th century.
Besides, this excavation was attended by foreign saturation divers and Director of Operation is Mr. Ong Soo Hin – Director of Saga Horizon and the Bound Mensun – The Director of the Archaeology who is the Director of the Marine Research Department of London University Oxford – England.
4. Ca Mau ancient wreck (1723 – 1725)
From August 1998 to October 1999, the National Museum of Vietnamese History, Visal and Museum of Ca Mau performed the archaeological excavation of the wreck in Ca Mau . The Chairman of the Excavation Committee is Dr. Nguyen Dinh Chien- Chief Curator of the National Museum of Vietnamese history.The excavation was headed by the archaeologists of the National Museum of Vietnamese history through diving operation of Visal’s divers who have an international certificates 3.I.U. The wreck was in the sea depth of 36 m with some obscure tracks of 24m long and about 8m wide. More 60 thousands of artifacts were recovered. Most of them were blue and white glaze porcelains and multicolor painted glazed ones and were made in China. Inscriptions in blue on the base of some bowls and cups indicates that they were made during the Yongzheng reign (1723–1725). The project had been especially done by only Vietnamese divers under supervision of the Vietnamese archaeologists. In 2002, the excavation result was reported in the book with title “ The Ca Mau Shipwreck- 1723- 1735” .(4)
5. Binh Thuan ancient wreck ( 16th – 17th century)
From 2001 to 2002, the wreck in the sea of Binh Thuan province was surveyed and archaeologically excavated. The National Museum of Vietnamese history and Visal performed the excavation. The chairman of the Excavation Committee is Dr.Nguyen Dinh Chien, Chief Curator of National Museum of Vietnamese History. The excavation showed tracks of a wreck of 23.4 m long and 7.2 m wide with 25 berths and spaces. Over 60 thousands of artifacts were recovered. Most of them were blue and white glaze porcelains and multi-colour painted glazed ones and were made in China. Origin of goods carried on board the ship from Jingdezhen, Jiangxi province; Dehua kiln complex, Fujian province and Guangzhou kiln complex, Guangdong province.
The ship and cargo are dated to the late 16th to early 17th century, the same of Wanli reign of late Ming dynasty. The excavation results were noticed in the scientific report by Dr. Nguyen Dinh Chien and Dr. Michael Flecker.(5)
II. Some experience in excavating and handling the artifacts of ancient shipwrecks.
1. Pre-excavation:
Most of the wrecks were accidentally found by fishermen while fishing. Therefore, it is needed to have further proper surveys to clarify the nature of the wrecks. Then to complete the relevant procedures as well as to arrange the excavating equipment.
• Arranging the personnel for the project as archaeologist, divers, conservators logisticts, guards of the site…
• Close circus television including diving masks KMB, underwater communications, diving control and video.
• Grids and sticks to set on the surface of the wreck.
• Space and instruments to wash the artifacts from sand and mud; package to transfer artifacts to the storages on shore.
• Form for analysis, statisticts of the recovered artifacts.
• Spaces and instruments for conservation, desalination, restoration and making scientific archives of recovered artifacts, which must be well treated numbered before taking the final classification. All artifacts data will be computerized under management and administration softwares.
2. Process of the underwater archaeological excavation:
• After the arrival of the means, which carrying personnel and equipment for the excavation at the site, the means will anchor over the wreck position. Based on the diving report the archaeologists will set up a core line as an azimuth for coordinates by connecting some visible parts of the wrecks such as beams, masts…Then the perpendicular aluminum grids with each side of 02 m long will be fixed above the wreck and having sides parallel to the core line and marked by rags.
• The excavation operation will be routinely arranged between the archaeologists and divers. Through the close circus camera with masks KMB 17 and the underwater communications, the diver masters will help archaeologists in the Excavation Committee to supervise and check up on the drives for the effect of air lists or the recovery of artifacts.
• At the depth of 35-40 m, we apply the air surface supply diving method. At the sea level below 4-5, every day we can operate 6-7 diving shifts, each two divers. The total diving time of one shift is 45 minutes (including time for decompression). Every diving shift will be followed up by log books with the video to their activities.
• The archaeologists will supervise the excavation through the monitors, to note what happening underwater and on board, especially concentrating on the drafting draws of divers, discussing and deciding which grid will excavated next.
• After the artifacts being pick up and put to baskets and lifted up, the archaeologists will initially classify and pack artifacts in the rubber baskets, which numbered and covered by nylon nets. Those baskets then will be put in to the sea water tanks waiting for transferring to the storages on shore or to the archaeologists barges. The delivery of these baskets must enclose the artifacts forms for the following up and statistics of artifacts in each grid, with name of divers, diving shift, date, people making notes and description.
• The sea usually has big swell at the sea level of 4-5 at the depth of 72 m in April 1999; we applied the saturation diving method. Following to this way, there were 2 shifts, 11 hours a shift (working time of 22 hours a day). The divers get up the grids, using air lifts, recovering the artifacts, putting into numbered rubber baskets and to the big steel baskets which could contain thousands of artifacts. Then the crane lifted up the steel basket to the barge. The archaeologists and workers washed the artifacts and numbered them and then put them in to the plastic tanks which were numbered too. The artifacts of each type were chosen and numbered, taken photograph, technically drown. With the recovery, the recording and drawing of the site were also undertaken usually.
3. Onshore post excavation
Big tanks or rubber tanks with fresh water were used to contain the artifacts for a number of days. Then the water was checked by the solution AgNO3, HNO3 and the desalinated equipment. When the saltiness was finished, artifacts were dried. Then the conservators recorded the result using the form NO6/TCCM.
• Chipped artifacts after begging put in the separate nylon bags, they were washed, cleaned and then restored by clue UHU or PVA. The separated parts of artifacts needed to be restored (boxes of two parts, kettle with lid and spout, handle...)
• The artifacts in the baskets after had been treated and completed the desallation were classified, numbered and noted in the following forms:
B4/TCCM: Condition form.
B5/TCCM: Dimension and photograph form.
B6/TCCM: Conservation form.
B7/TCCM: Artifacts (see annex) data sheet.
• Took photographs and technical drawing of the shapes and design of artifacts...
• The computerization of the data from the above forms with photographs and technical drawing help the archaeologists to recognize the disposition and the density of artifacts and the situation of the site. Based on the above mentioned matters, the archaeologists will answer the questions related to the wrecks such as dating back of the wreck, ship-owner art value…
• From the study result of the wreck, the archaeologists will make a scientific report with full of drawings of the site, typical kinds, ornamental objects, designs of decorations, video tapes of the survey and excavation. It will then be promulgated as a studying book and exhibited.
*
Viet Nam is a country of over 3,000 km shoreline, lying on the international trading marine road. Form the early day, Vietnam created an economy and culture liaison with the other countries in the world. Underwater archaeological excavations in Vietnam through above five projects could be considered as the potential initial steps. Even though this work is new with our archaeological activities, but we have a lot of chances to share our underwater archaeological excavation experience with other countries. The recent excavations have proved the successful co-operation between us with organizations and specialists in the world for Vietnamese underwater archaeology.
The five ancient wrecks in Vietnam were archeologically excavated, specially the wrecks at Cu Lao Cham, Ca Mau and Binh Thuan. This will contribute more information to study process of the international marine road as well as the trading liaison at Vietnamese sea during the past centuries.
Note:
(1). Christie’s Vung Tau Cargo, Amsterdam 1992. Nguyen Quoc Hung: Excavation of the Antique Treasure at the Sea Bottom Hon Cau (Vung Tau) – Archaeology Magazine Issue N03 – 1992 (page 62- 73).
(2). M. Roxanna Brown. The ceramic of South East Asia. Their Dating and Identification – Kualalumpur, Oxford University Express, 1997.
(3). Pham Quoc Quan and Nguyen Quoc Hung: Thai Ceramics at the Wreck in Phu Quoc- Kien Giang. Culture and Art Study Magazine Issue N01 (108) – 1993 (page 66- 67)
(4). Nguyen Dinh Chien: The Camau Shipwreck 1723 – 1735. Hanoi, 2002.
(5). Nguyen Dinh Chien and Michael Flecker: The Scientific Report on Binh Thuan Shipwrecks. Ha Noi, 2003.
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The Archaeological Finds in the Yorkshire Dales
Introduction
Digging as a means of discovering new caves is a well established practice in the karst of the Yorkshire Dales (the area I am most familiar with) and other areas. This can be either digging from surface karst features in the hope of entering passages below, or trying to extend known cave passages by digging through blockages. The scale of some of the digging operations is often not appreciated by non-cavers. Some sites may be dug regularly for years and involve serious engineering work to gain new passage. For example, on Leck Fell in Lancashire it took four years for a group of cavers to excavate nearly 80 metres vertically to gain access to a series of passages already discovered by divers (Walsh 2001). One way of monitoring digging is through reports of finds of animal bones, as these are ubiquitous in unconsolidated cave sediments in the region.
Finds of Animal Bones
Since the 1950s animal remains have been reported from 25 sites in the sporting cave literature (Murphy 2002) and a further 8 sites are known but no written record of the discovery of animal remains was made (Murphy 2003a). Sites which have produced vertebrate remains described in the scientific literature are listed in Chamberlain (2002). Proximity to the road and rail networks has been a significant factor in determining which sites have received scientific attention, whereas surface accessibility has not deterred sporting cavers. This suggests there may be many more sites in the area with a much wider geographical spread than is indicated by a study of the scientific literature.
The Recovered Bones
However, there are important contrasts between the sites recorded from the caving and scientific literature. The bias of the caver records towards large animal bones is mentioned in Murphy and Chamberlain (2003). This probably reflects to some degree the probability with which finds are noticed and reported by sporting cavers. While this is certainly a valid explanation, the limitations posed by the use of head mounted lighting systems by cavers are not generally appreciated by non-cavers. Even in regularly visited sites bones have been passed by cavers for many years before being noticed. For example, although bones had already been recovered from the River Junction area of Kingsdale Master Cave (a very popular caving trip for novices), a horse skull jammed beneath a rock ledge next to the main cavers path was only noticed in 2002 (Murphy 2003b). Another contrast is in the age of the material recovered. The majority of the caver recovered fauna is probably, at least in part, of domestic or agricultural origin. This may reflect the lack of older deposits at the sites, though the occasional record of older faunas suggests this is unlikely. Cavers may also preferentially select digging sites where active deposition has occurred in recent times.
Cave Digging Techniques
A third possible explanation results from the contrasting aims of a cave exploration dig with those of an archaeological dig. The approach of cavers is to try and minimise the amount of material removed in order to gain access to open passages. This is not only to minimise the physical effort involved but because opportunities to dispose of debris from the dig site are often limited. In a filled horizontal passage this means digging against the roof as this will probably be where the blockage is the shortest, the fill least consolidated and the probability of intersecting any unfilled roof voids the highest. When digging a filled shaft the cavers will follow a solid wall rather than trying to go down the centre. This allows bracing of the dug shaft and will hopefully reach the top of any ongoing passage with the least volume of material needing to be moved. The strategies employed by cavers mean that in a horizontal passage the cavers are concentrating on removing the youngest sediment deposited in the passage and in a vertical shaft fill the oldest deposits at the base of the filled shaft will hopefully not need to be disturbed. This contrasts with the activities of archaeologists whose aim is to unravel as much of the history of the site as possible. As a result the recovery of animal bones by cavers must be taken as an indication of the potential of a site to contain older remains and not be judged as archaeologically unimportant solely on the basis of the age and origins of the bones submitted for identification.
Ipswichian Faunas
The two cave sites in the Craven area which have produced Ipswichian (OIS 5e) faunas are both known as a result of major excavations. In the case of Raygill Fissure, Lothersdale, the cave was exposed as a result of limestone quarrying and the fauna were recovered as the quarry face moved through a filled off-vertical shaft. The Ipswichian fauna were at the base of the completely sediment filled shaft from the base of which a horizontal passage led off (Mial 1880). The site appears to have been a pitfall trap in pre-last glacial times. In the case of Victoria Cave, the Ipswichian strata was only discovered as a result of the deliberate sinking of a number of shafts in the floor of the cave as part of a large scale archaeological dig (Tiddeman 1872). In neither case was there any evidence of the presence of these older deposits before quarrying or excavation took place. This shows the possibility of there being more such sites in the Craven area and any sites identified as containing animal remains by cave exploration activity must be considered as potential repositories of older deposits.
Conclusion
In conclusion, digging as a means of discovering new caves by sporting cavers has made a significant contribution to our knowledge of the archaeological resource of caves in the Yorkshire Dales. The strategies employed by cavers in order to dig through material blocking both horizontal passages and vertical shafts tends to limit the disturbance to the youngest layers in the deposit and has contributed to the bias apparent in the caver records towards more recent bone assemblages. This current paper has concentrated on the Yorkshire Dales, and as a review of currently available evidence offers an initial assessment of the impact that recreational cave digging has on archaeological deposits. It would suggest that such digging activities should not necessarily be seen as a problem by the archaeological community or the statutory bodies responsible for conservation as the damage caused, on the whole, would appear limited. It should instead be seen as an opportunity to increase our knowledge of this often neglected field of archaeology.
References
Chamberlain, A. T. 2002. A gazetteer of non-human vertebrate remains from caves in the Yorkshire Dales described in the scientific literature. Capra 4 available at-
http://capra.group.shef.ac.uk/4/bonecavechamberlain.html
Mial L C 1880. Raygill Fissure, the cave and its contents. Proceedings of the Yorkshire Geological and Polytechnic Society 7: 207-8
Murphy, P. J. 2003a. A gazetteer of non-human vertebrate remains from caves in the Yorkshire Dales for which there is no record. Capra 5 available at -
http://capra.group.shef.ac.uk/5/bonecave2.html
Murphy, P. J. 2003b. More of the Kingsdale Horse. Speleology 2: 5
Murphy, P. J. 2002. A gazetteer of non-human vertebrate remains from caves in the Yorkshire Dales referenced in caving club journals and allied literature. Revised version 2004. Capra 4 available at –
http://capra.group.shef.ac.uk/4/bonecavemurphy.html
Murphy, P. J. & Chamberlain, A. T. 2003. The bone caves of the Yorkshire Dales. Speleology 1: 11
Tiddeman, R. H. 1872. Discovery of extinct mammals in the Victoria Cave, Settle. Nature VII: 127-8
Walsh, A. 2001. The quest for a dry way. Descent 159: 20-22
Written by
P.J. Murphy. Department of Earth Sciences, University of Leeds, Leeds, LS2 9JT, U.K.
email: p.murphy@earth.leeds.ac.uk
Murphy, P.J. 2004. Cavers, Digging and Archaeological Finds in the Yorkshire Dales. Capra 6 available at - http://capra.group.shef.ac.uk/6/cavedigging.pdf
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